Community Banker Suing CFPB Takes Case to Congress

Community Banker Suing CFPB Takes Case to Congress

By Kevin Wack

JUL 19, 2012 3:15pm ET

WASHINGTON – The Texas community banker who’s leading the courtroom fight against the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau took his case to Capitol Hill on Thursday, using homespun adages to make the case against excessive regulation.

For the House Republicans who called the hearing, Jim Purcell, chief executive officer of State National Bank of Big Spring, was right out of central casting, speaking with a drawl and emphasizing his small-town roots, though he had a hard time answering certain questions from Democrats.

Purcell urged financial policymakers to show more caution regarding the impact of new regulations, saying they should follow the advice his first-grade teacher gave him regarding railroad tracks: “Stop, look, and listen.”

Rep. Michael Capuano, D-Mass., agreed that policymakers should show caution as they implement financial reform, but argued that they should not be frozen into inactivity.

“We are stopping, looking and listening,” he said. “I totally agree.”

Purcell thrust his $30 million asset bank into the national spotlight last month when he signed onto a lawsuit – spearheaded by conservative lawyers in Washington – that challenges the constitutionality of the consumer agency.

In the suit, State National Bank of Big Spring alleges that it exited the mortgage business because of regulatory uncertainty stemming from the Dodd-Frank Act’s wide grant of authority to the CFPB.

Purcell said Thursday that his bank traditionally offered residential mortgages and kept them on its books, insisting on five-year balloon payments in order to manage its interest rate risk. He testified that new rules on balloon payments helped drive his bank out of the mortgage business, and wondered aloud about where the bank’s customers will now go.

“Our customers have a dilemma: ‘Where do we turn?” he told the House financial oversight subcommittee.

But several of the panel’s Democrats were skeptical of the claims made by Purcell and some of the other witnesses about the size of the impact Dodd-Frank will have on small financial institutions, since much of the law applies only to larger firms.

Rep. Brad Miller, D-N.C., asked Purcell to identify which sections of Dodd-Frank apply to his bank.

In response, Purcell mentioned the creation of the consumer agency before conceding: “I could not tell you at this moment exactly which ones do and which ones don’t.”

Rep. Barney Frank, D-Mass., challenged Purcell regarding the lawsuit’s claim that the CFPB got something close to a blank check from Congress. Frank, one of the 2010 law’s principal authors, argued that the Office of the Comptroller of Currency has similar autonomy.

“Why didn’t you sue to get the comptroller of the currency thrown out?” Frank asked. “Or you just don’t like consumer protection?”

“I’m going to leave that up to the attorneys,” Purcell responded.

Rep. Randy Neugebauer, R-Texas, pushed back at the Democrats’ claim that some community banks are overstating the impact of Dodd-Frank.

Asked whether small financial institutions simply dreamed up the law’s negative consequences, Purcell responded: “Our customers are not dreaming it up, and they’re worried.”

Purcell went on to contrast his bank’s business model with those of large banks. “I don’t understand all there is in Wall Street,” he said at one point. “I don’t understand all the default swaps.”

The hearing, called by Neugebauer, who chairs the financial oversight subcommittee, was the latest in a series that House Republicans have convened to make the case against Dodd-Frank.

It was titled “Who’s In Your Wallet? Dodd-Frank’s Impact on Families, Communities and Small Businesses,” a reference to Capital One’s “What’s In Your Wallet?” marketing campaign.

In light of Wednesday’s enforcement action against Capital One regarding credit-card marketing, Frank joked that “what was in the wallet of many consumers were the hands of Capital One. So references of who’s in whose wallet and for what purpose are very relevant to today’s hearing.”

Green Can Indeed Be Green

Green Can Indeed Be Green

By Ken Harney 7/20/2012

WASHINGTON – It has been a controversial question in the home real estate market for years: Is there extra green when you buy green? Do houses with lots of energy-saving and sustainability features sell for more than houses without them? If so, by how much?

Some studies have shown that consumers’ willingness to pay more for Energy Star and other green-rated homes tends to diminish during tough economic times. Others have found that green-certified houses sell for at least a modest premium over similar but less-efficient homes.

But now a new econometric study involving an unusually large sample of 1.6 million homes sold in California between 2007 and early 2012 has documented that, holding all other variables constant, a green certification label on a house adds an average 9 percent to its selling value. Researchers also found something they dubbed the “Prius effect”: Buyers in areas where consumer sentiment in support of environmental conservation is relatively high – as measured by the percentage of hybrid auto registrations in local ZIP codes – are more willing to pay premiums for green-certified houses than buyers in areas where hybrid registrations were lower.

The study found no significant correlations between local utility rates – the varying charges per kilowatt hour of electricity in different areas – and consumers’ willingness to pay premium prices for green-labeled homes. But it did find that in warmer parts of California, especially in the Central Valley compared with neighborhoods closer to the coast, buyers are willing to pay more for the capitalized cost savings on energy that come with a green-rated property.

The research was conducted by professors Matthew E. Kahn of UCLA and Nils Kok of Maastricht University in the Netherlands, currently a visiting scholar at the University of California at Berkeley. Out of the 1.6-million-home-transaction sample, Kahn and Kok identified 4,321 dwellings that sold with Energy Star, LEED or GreenPoint Rated labels. They then ran statistical analyses to determine how much green labeling contributed to the selling price – eliminating all other factors contained in the real estate records, from locational effects, school districts, crime rates, time period of sale, to amenities such as swimming pools and views.

Energy Star is a rating system jointly sponsored by the U.S. Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency that is widely used in new home construction. It rewards designs that sharply reduce operational costs in heating, cooling and water use, and improve indoor air quality. The LEED certification was created by the private nonprofit U.S. Green Building Council and focuses on “sustainable building and development practices.” Though more commonly seen in commercial development, it is also available as a rating for single family homes. The GreenPoint Rated designation was created by a nonprofit group called Build It Green, is similar to LEED, and can be used on newly constructed as well as existing homes.

The 9 percent average price premium from green-rated homes is roughly in line with studies conducted in Europe, where energy-efficiency labeling on houses – new and resale – is far more commonplace. Homes rated “A” under the European Union’s system commanded a 10 percent average premium in one study, while dwellings with poor ratings sold for substantial discounts.

Labeling in the United States is a politically sensitive real estate issue. The National Association of Realtors has lobbied Congress and federal agencies to thwart adoption of any form of mandatory labeling of existing houses, arguing that an abrupt move to adopt such a system could have severely negative effects. A loss of value at resale because of labeling would be disastrous, the Realtors have argued, particularly coming out of a housing downturn in which owners across the country have lost trillions of dollars of equity since 2006.

The National Association of Home Builders, on the other hand, has enthusiastically embraced labeling as a selling advantage for newly constructed homes. Buyers of new homes today are far more likely than purchasers of resale homes to find them rated as energy-efficient and environmentally friendly. But there can be an environmental downside to new homes as well: Many are located in subdivisions on the periphery of metropolitan areas, and require higher fuel expenditures – and create more air pollution – because homeowners have longer commutes to work.

Kahn and Kok make no secret about where they stand on labeling: The more disclosure on the green characteristics of homes makes a lot of sense – and ultimately a lot of savings on energy consumption – for buyers and sellers.

Eminent Domain Mortgage Seizures Would Hurt Fannie, Freddie

Eminent Domain Mortgage Seizures Would Hurt Fannie, Freddie

By Kate Berry JUL 19, 2012 4:03pm ET

A proposal by San Bernardino County to use eminent domain to seize, and then restructure, underwater private-label mortgages would result in more than just losses to private investors. Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac and the Federal Home Loan Banks are also major investors in private-label securities and they too would suffer if the county took over what is estimated to be 150,000 underwater mortgages.

The losses to the government-sponsored enterprises would likely be minimal – particularly in comparison to the more than $160 billion in losses so far to taxpayers. But the concern is that the use of eminent domain powers by municipalities would set a precedent, throwing a wrench in the Obama administration’s long-term plans to reduce the government’s role in housing by turning as much as possible over to the private sector.

“There are huge unforeseen problems that would occur from eminent domain that could blow up private mortgage lending,” says Scott Simon, a managing director at bond giant Pimco and the head of its mortgage-backed securities team.

If the proposal to use eminent domain to restructure underwater mortgages moves forward, the Federal Housing Finance Agency likely would sue San Bernardino County for encroaching on its role as Fannie and Freddie’s sole regulator, mortgage experts and bondholders say.

Corinne Russell, a spokeswoman for FHFA, says the agency “has concerns with this use of eminent domain and is communicating with county officials to better understand their intentions for such a program.”

The agency has been quick to cite the Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008, which stipulates that while acting as conservator, FHFA “is not subject to the supervision or direction of any other agency.”

In December, FHFA sued the city of Chicago to prevent it from enforcing a vacant buildings ordinance that sought fines and penalties of up to $1,000 per day.

It’s unclear how much of the GSEs’ holdings are invested private-label securities in San Bernardino. Fannie held $71 billion in private-label mortgage-backed securities at the end of May, while Freddie held $135.5 billion, according to the GSEs’ monthly summary reports.

The 12 Federal Home Loan Banks held $17 billion in such securities, according to their first quarter combined financial report. The figures represent the unpaid principal balances of non-agency holdings.

San Bernardino County caused a ruckus with bond investors when it created a Joint Exercise Powers Authority last month in agreement with the cities of Fontana and Ontario to devise a Homeownership Protection Plan. Eminent domain is one of the proposals being considered to aid underwater borrowers.

Tom Deutsch, executive director of the American Securitization Forum, a trade group for bond investors, says the same thing that happened with Chicago could happen with San Bernardino because FHFA is required to preserve the assets of the government-sponsored enterprises for the benefit of taxpayers.

“States and localities can’t interfere with that,” Deutsch says.

No lawsuits have been filed yet because the San Bernardino proposal is still in the early stages, but the private investors are rooting for the FHA to take action because it would have the best shot of prevailing in court, experts say.

Still, Deutsch’s group has retained the law firm Sidley Austin LLP and the securitization industry is clearly girding for what could be a protracted legal fight. Carter G. Phillips, a managing partner at Sidley Austin, has argued more cases before the Supreme Court than any lawyer currently in private practice.

Investors are particularly miffed that the San Francisco venture capital firm Mortgage Resolution Partners, which had pitched the eminent domain proposal to several California cities, singled out performing but underwater loans in private-label securities, in which the borrower is still paying their mortgage but owes more than the home is worth. Pimco’s Simon says the venture capital firm targeted private-label securities, which make up just 9% of the total market for first lien mortgages, because trustees of the securities typically take a passive role and would be less likely to take legal action.

“What they did that was smart in going private label because if they went after the GSEs or bank loans, lawyers would go after them instantaneously,” says Simon. “The structural disadvantage is it’s harder to sue, and the trustees don’t care and they aren’t paid enough to do anything.”

Graham Williams, the chief executive of Mortgage Resolution Partners, says he recognizes that some of the loans that could potentially be seized would include securities owned by Fannie, Freddie and Federal Home Loan Banks. Williams says his firm singled out private-label securitizations “because the owners of those other loans have the ability to execute this program on their own, while securitized trusts are prohibited from executing this program on current loans.”

A key issue in any legal fight would be how bond investors, including the government-sponsored enterprises and Federal Home Loan Banks, would be compensated for such seizures. Walter Dellinger, a partner at O’Melveny & Myers LLP and a former assistant attorney general, says San Bernardino County would face a slew of lawsuits and increased liability if the amount paid to bondholders is less than fair market value.

“There does appear to be a substantial gap between what the municipalities expect to pay for loans that they seize and the fair market value for performing loans in securitization trusts,” Dellinger says. If San Bernardino manages to seize the loans using eminent domain, local governments would be required to compensate bondholders and the amount would be determined by the courts, he says.

But Williams says loans held by Fannie and Freddie have already been marked down to fair value, so the GSEs may not lose much money in the seizures. He cited estimates from Fannie’s annual report of a 72.4% default rate on subprime loans as an indication of the prices that new investors would be willing to pay to purchase and then refinance the loans. His firm has hired the investment banks Evercore Partners and Westwood Capital to raise funds from private investors that would be used by the San Bernardino County government to purchase the loans, which would then likely be refinanced.

“If we were to take one of those loans, we would price it very similar to where Fannie Mae has it on its books – that’s a key point,” Williams says. “If we buy one of those loans, the cash flow that Fannie Mae expects is probably very similar to what a third-party trying to value the individual loan would expect. They’ve already taken these losses and written them down to what they call fair value.”

Bondholders say the only way the new investors could earn a return would be if bondholders receive less than fair value. “An underwater but paying loan doesn’t trade at 60 cents on the dollar,” says Simon. “They are cherry picking the best loans [with the intent of] buying them well below fair market value.”

Dellinger agrees. “Built into the assumption is that the new investors at [Mortgage Resolution Partners] are going to make money only if something less than fair market value is paid to the original investors,” he says.

Dellinger says it is hard to justify the seizure of properties through eminent domain if the homes are being taken care of by current owners and there is no blight to justify a benefit for the public good.

“When private property is taken not for governmental use but for the transfer to private investors, it raises questions of whether it is a legitimate public purpose,” says Dellinger. “Even if this were a permissible taking of private property, a very serious question would arise as to what is just compensation.”

After Year of Progress, Dodd-Frank Rule Phase Hit Roadblocks

After Year of Progress, Dodd-Frank Rule Phase Hit Roadblocks

By Donna Borak

JUL 13, 2012 1:20pm ET

WASHINGTON – In the first year after passage of the Dodd-Frank Act, regulators made some progress implementing the law. Now they have essentially ground to a halt.

As they implement some of the most complex pieces of the overhaul, the agencies have had a Goldilocks complex: they’re trying to get the new regulatory system just right. They want rules to be tough, but not in a way that stops business, and are aware that an industry facing an uncertain regulatory future is watching their every move.

“They know they are very much under a microscope and that they have to deliver,” said Amy Friend, a managing director at Promontory Financial who worked for Sen. Chris Dodd while the law was being drafted. “That means they are going to be extra deliberate about what they’re doing.”

On the eve of Dodd-Frank’s second anniversary, scores of rules that the law had mandated to be completed at this point are still uncompleted. They include 121 rulemakings with pending proposals, and 19 rules that have not even been proposed, according to analysis by the law firm Davis Polk & Wardwell.

Observers say a large part of the regulators’ challenge is implementing a broad, general framework that Congress created without including key details.

“The regulators were handed a monumental task” with “deadlines that were impossible and random,” said Margaret Tahyar, a partner at Davis Polk. “This was more than just filling in a few details. There were major components of the architecture that weren’t there.”

In the first 12 months following enactment, the regulators were able to check off implementation projects with earlier deadlines, such as reforms to deposit insurance pricing and the closing of the Office of Thrift Supervision. But more far-reaching provisions are still in limbo. Regulations to ban banks’ proprietary trading, institute requirements for securitizers to retain risk and force lenders to ensure mortgage borrowers’ ability to repay were all proposed, but none have been finalized. While the new Financial Stability Oversight Council has outlined its procedures for designating systemically important firms, no such firms have yet been designated.

For some of the bigger regulations, such as the trading ban known as the Volcker Rule, the regulators face pressure to meet the Dodd-Frank deadlines. But the lengthy proposal they issued on the rule, which included hundreds of questions for comment, also indicated their intent to methodically consider public concerns about how the ban would be implemented, almost to a fault. Critical events like the multibillion-dollar trading loss at JPMorgan Chase’s London unit, which prompted further debate about the scope of the Volcker Rule, also affected their work.

“This is a search for precision in terms of ‘We are going to nail every possible thing in our rule so there is no uncertainty,’” said Karen Shaw Petrou, a managing partner at Federal Financial Analytics. “They are detailed-driven to the point of incoherence.”

The regulators have appeared to want to carefully consider all of the thousands of comment letters they have received on their existing proposals, even if it has meant taking longer to finish.

“When Dodd-Frank was passed, it wasn’t passed with a lot of input at all from the industry,” said Deborah Bailey, a former deputy director of the banking supervision and regulation division at the Federal Reserve Board, who is now a director at Deloitte & Touche. “Traditionally, financial legislation has been done in a way where not only regulators were involved in it, but the industry was also involved in it. So you had industry input into the legislation to make sure that there weren’t any unintended consequences associated with the laws that were passed.

“Therefore that part of the process . to really understand the implications, I think it’s naturally going to have a much slower take to it than it would have had that been during the legislative period.”

It is not a lack of urgency stalling the rulemakings, many say. Instead, with the reality setting in of the magnitude and implications of many Dodd-Frank reforms, regulators have swapped immediacy for measured caution.

“The realization that ‘My gosh, there’s so many rules here, and we have to get them right’ has taken its place, and that is not a bad thing,” Friend said.

Yet there have been other impediments to the regulators moving quickly. Different agencies that must collaborate on rules have competing priorities. Some regulators have dealt with holdups in Senate confirmation of senior positions, and then the eventual change of leadership when a principal is confirmed. Agencies are also dealing with fewer budgetary resources.

“You’ve got these agencies that not only have their requirements to promulgate all of these rules, but they also have the same responsibilities to continue to oversee and supervise financial institutions and examinations and also finalize all of the things on Basel,” Bailey said.

The pressure from members of Congress and elsewhere for agencies to provide cost-benefit analyses for certain rulemakings has also sparked a much more litigious attitude among the regulators.

“You can argue the details about what kind of cost-benefit and how it applies in a legal technical way to which agencies when, but the reality is there is this broad general principle of cost benefit analysis, which in the past has often been honored in the breach, and which the courts are telling us now needs to be truly honored,” said Tahyar.

To be sure, some strides have been made over the past year.

“When we look at where we were two years ago – ’08, ’09 – we were really on the brink,” said Cyrus Amir-Mokri, the assistant Treasury secretary for financial institutions. “Our banks didn’t have enough capital. Our regulatory system was very fractured in that we didn’t have any coordinating mechanisms. We didn’t understand products. We didn’t even have good documentation for a lot of these complex products that people were dealing with. All of that has changed. It’s a work in progress, but the direction has been set, and I think that’s very important to understand.”

Still, regulators are generally moving at a slower pace than they did initially, and under much tougher scrutiny. For every step forward, there seem to be two steps back, and even the rules they have accomplished have come after the Dodd-Frank-required deadlines.

In December regulators unveiled a package of proposed rules to dictate how much capital banks with assets of $50 billion must hold. But, given continuing discussions in the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision on international standards, they punted on certain aspects like liquidity requirements. There is still no final rule in place.

After several attempts, the FSOC, an interagency body headed by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, completed its final rule on how it would designate a non-bank financial institution as systemically risky. But no firms have yet been identified.

President Obama bypassed Congress to name Richard Cordray head of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a move that is currently being challenged.

Nine of the largest banks submitted their initial so-called living wills, plans that would detail how an individual firm would be unwound in the event of a disastrous episode. But those plans provided scant details to the public. More than two dozen living-will plans are due by firms over the next year and a half.

The regulators have made little headway on other key elements of the regulatory reform effort. For example, there is no clearer path ahead now on the Volcker Rule than last year, with regulators saying they need more time to complete a final rule.

Scott Garrett, R-N.J., said the agencies are grappling with trying to implement certain provisions that are really tied to policies that have yet to be resolved by Congress. He pointed to the risk retention rule in Dodd-Frank, which generally requires securitizers to hold 5% of a loan’s credit risk. But the impact of that rule, he said, relies on future decisions, such as what to do with the government-sponsored enterprises.

“They all interconnect and they all can have a damaging effect on housing mortgage finance if done incorrectly,” said Garrett, who chairs the House Financial Services capital markets and GSE subcommittee. “Obviously, a more comprehensive approach to housing mortgage finance is preferable.”

Meanwhile, regulators find themselves in a highly politicized environment – months before a big election – in which they receive a myriad of mixed signals.

“I think what you want the regulatory staff to do is put their heads down and do the right thing. That means listening to their colleagues, having this very healthy back-and-forth, entertaining comments that come in, and being very deliberate about what they’re doing,” said Friend. “But I don’t think you want them to be whipsawed by all the public pronouncements about all the rules.”

As a result, observers say regulators have done as well as can be expected given the circumstances. Still, some criticize the release of proposals that are too difficult to understand.

“They’re huge. They’re complicated,” Petrou said. “You see this in the Fed meetings after you take them up one by one, and the staff drops 300-plus pages in front of the Board of Governors and they basically throw up their hands and say, ‘This is what Congress told us to do. Yes. Is it tough? Yes. OK, let’s put it out for comment.’ ”

Rep. Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va., who chairs the House Financial Services financial institutions and consumer credit subcommittee, said the vagueness of provisions in the legislation is largely to blame.

“It’s just a mass of ill-defined and nonspecific regulations with onerous penalties, and so it leads to a lot of uncertainty,” Capito said.

Some said momentum for the Dodd-Frank implementation project may simply be on the decline two years later.

“It was a year of nonactivity followed by a year of confusion,” said Cornelius Hurley, director of the Morin Center for Banking and Financial Law at Boston University. “I think enthusiasm for the project has waned. At the same time, we see every day evidence of why a more aggressive response to the crisis was required in the first go around. I think every day we are realizing more that reform efforts are inadequate.”

Friend said it was inconceivable for regulators to continue at their breakneck pace they followed in the first year.

“There was such tremendous pressure on all of them to get out of the box really quickly and I think the pace at which they were approaching regulation was just unsustainable,” Friend said. “So in the second year, they’ve slowed down.”

Others said it would be a mistake to move too quickly to complete such an intricate process while the regulators must continue handling their normal supervisory responsibilities.

“The criticism of the regulators being too slow is totally unwarranted,” said H. Rodgin Cohen, a partner at Sullivan & Cromwell. “It should be in everybody’s interest that they get it right and that takes time and effort because these are many, many complex issues. The regulators have been moving at an appropriate and measured pace. Frankly, if they were moving more quickly there would be less time to comment; there would be less time for a deliberative process at the agencies.”

Rep. Barney Frank, D-Mass., the half-namesake of the reform law, agreed, and played down the missed deadlines.

“The deadlines were not firm in the sense they were basically approximations,” Frank said. “Progress is going forward. I’m satisfied. The point is nothing has been undone, and nothing negative has happened because the regulations weren’t in place.”

Still, observers cautioned that not moving quickly enough, especially on critical pieces like enhanced prudential regulations, single counterparty credit limits and the Volcker Rule, would be detrimental.

“If you wait too long, the uncertainty mounts and mounts and mounts,” Cohen said, adding that a “realistic time horizon” for completing the important regulations is “this year.”

“If you didn’t do that there would be a risk of loss of momentum,” he said.

CFPB Asserts Authority Over Credit Reporting Firms

CFPB Asserts Authority Over Credit Reporting Firms

By Joe Adler

JUL 16, 2012 12:01am ET

WASHINGTON – The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau plans to unveil Monday new rules for supervising credit-reporting companies, marking the first time such firms will become subject to federal oversight.

The new regulation establishes credit reporting as the first industry the bureau will supervise under special powers granted by the Dodd-Frank Act to examine larger nonbank firms that reside outside the direct lending sphere.

Starting Sept. 30, credit reporting agencies with over $7 million in annual receipts – accounting for 94% of the industry total – will enter the CFPB’s nonbank supervision program. Following that date, the bureau said, it plans to conduct exams, but before doing so will publish additional examination guidance.

The supervision for the credit reporting agencies will share characteristics with how the CFPB has supervised banks and nonbanks that already fall under its oversight, the bureau said.

“The companies will be subject to review of compliance systems and procedures, on-site examinations, discussions with relevant personnel, and they will be required to produce relevant reports,” the CFPB said.

In prepared remarks scheduled to be given in Detroit on Monday, CFPB Director Richard Cordray said the consumer reporting agencies’ “scorekeeping exerts a tremendous and growing influence over the ways and means of” consumers’ “financial lives.”

“So it is important for all of us to understand more about their work and the ways it can affect us,” he said in the prepared remarks, scheduled for a field hearing.

The new regulation, Cordray added, “affords an opportunity to gain a more thorough understanding of their business models and their business practices, to work with them to correct any problems we find, and to find ways to resolve matters that may be causing harm to consumers.”

While it was unclear what types of new regulatory restrictions credit reporting agencies may face under CFPB supervision, the regulator gave clear signals earlier this year that it was interested in the sector.

Under Dodd-Frank, the CFPB was authorized to supervise both large banks and nonbanks for compliance with consumer rules. (The bureau is also charged with writing consumer policies for the entire financial services industry.)

The nonbank supervision authority grants the bureau with express powers to oversee residential mortgage lenders, payday lenders and private student lenders. But the law also allows the CFPB to identify other industries to subject to its examinations.

In a February proposal, the CFPB had listed consumer reporting agencies, along with debt collectors, as sectors it will monitor under its Dodd-Frank authority to supervise “larger participants” in nonbank industries that play indirect roles in the exchange of consumer credit.

“Credit reporting plays a critical role in consumers’ financial lives, a role that most people do not recognize because it is usually not very visible to them,” Cordray said in the prepared remarks. “Credit reports on a consumer’s financial behavior can determine a consumer’s eligibility for credit cards, car loans, and home mortgage loans – and they often affect how much a consumer is going to pay for that loan.

“If you have a credit record that appears to show a greater risk that you will fail to repay a loan, then you may be denied credit and you likely will be charged higher interest rates on any loan offered to you.”

Last summer, the bureau indicated the larger-participant authority could also eventually extend to companies such as money transmitters, prepaid-card issuers, debt-relief services and other kinds of consumer lenders, meaning they too could be part of the supervision program.

The CFPB said it also plans to release a “consumer advisory” regarding credit reports and a series of frequently asked questions and answers about the sector as part of its “Ask CFPB” database.